Download On Pied-Piping: Wh-Movement and Beyond by Heck, Fabian PDF

By Heck, Fabian

Pied-piping, the phenomenon that wh-movement may perhaps aim different types now not marked with the function [wh], has quite often been thought of idiosyncratic and pathological. On Pied-Piping argues that this review isn't really right. The e-book offers a compilation of crosslinguistic generalizations on pied-piping and a idea that derives them. Pied-piping is included right into a derivational concept of successive cyclic wh-movement that comes with input-output optimization, the operation Agree, and section conception. The ensuing thought is a step in the direction of ultimate a long-standing hole in syntactic theorizing.

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Extra resources for On Pied-Piping: Wh-Movement and Beyond

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25. For a more explicit evaluation of Cowper’s system and its problems concerning piedpiping in German, see Lutz and Trissler (1992), Trissler (1999). 26. In some sense then, Cowper envisages an analysis of pied-piping in relative clauses in terms of topicalization, see Emonds (1979), Emonds (1985), and Webelhuth (1992). 4 below. 20 (31) Introduction a. Egbert, [ DP pictures of who ] 2 Horace adores t2 , . . b. *Egbert, [ DP pictures of someone ] 2 Horace adores t2 , . . c. *Egbert, Horace adores [ DP pictures of someone ] 2, .

Such cases are unexpected under an adjacency requirement on subcategorization. 2. Cowper (1987) Cowper (1987) presents a theory of pied-piping that is entirely based on whfeature percolation. It is based on a proposal put forward by di Sciullo and Williams (1987), originally designed to explain feature spreading in morphology (see also Selkirk (1982)) According to this proposal, a non-head α can percolate a feature [ F ] to an immediately dominating constituent β if and only if β is not specified for [ F ].

26 Introduction lation. Accordingly, pied-piping of CP3 should be possible. In order to block pied-piping in (41), Webelhuth suggests that a wh-phrase that has percolated its wh-feature to a dominating node does not bear [ WH ] itself anymore. What is more, he assumes that a wh-phrase that has lost its wh-feature via percolation can no longer bind a variable. It then follows that (41) violates Koopman and Sportiche’s (1982) B IJECTION P RINCIPLE (BP), which states that every variable has to be bound by exactly one operator, and every operator has to bind exactly one variable: if the trace left behind by wh-movement of who in (41) counts as a variable, then who, having percolated its wh-feature, fails to bind this variable.

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