Download Mandarin Development of Indonesian Immigrants’ Children: A by Jenny Yi-chun Kuo PDF

By Jenny Yi-chun Kuo

This booklet summarizes the consequences a three-year longitudinal undertaking on Mandarin improvement between childrens of Indonesian moms, the second one greatest non-Mandarin talking immigrant workforce in Taiwan. those kids have been buying their first language whereas interacting basically with a non-native learner of the language. The booklet discusses phonological, lexical and syntactic improvement to supply a greater knowing of the language improvement of the youngsters of immigrants and has vital implications for language schooling coverage and language acquisition theories.

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Extra info for Mandarin Development of Indonesian Immigrants’ Children: A Longitudinal Study in Taiwan

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The alveolar fricative was also pronounced as affricates sometimes. The vowel /u/ was dropped occasionally. She still replaced the rounded high front vowel /y/ with the unrounded one [i] occasionally. /a/ was replaced with [ai] occasionally. She dropped nasals in codas or changed the place of articulation occasionally, which was not observed in the first year. 3 Phonological Development in the Third Year In the third year, the only problems remained were retroflexes and nasals in coda. Retroflexes were replaced with alveolars most of the time.

Some children even cannot produce them accurately by the age of six. 2; occasionally, [uai] would appear as early as one year of age. As for [uei], it is observed very late in language development and is often replaced by [ue]. Observations show that Chinese final nasals are very often used to substitute diphthongs without nasal ending. Sometimes the final nasals were dropped. The first final nasal that appeared was [uan] but was not so stable. It sometimes was replaced by [an] and [ua]. 2, [uan] was finally stabilized.

For example, given the input /tɕh/, the candidate output [tɕ] violates this constraint, while the candidate [tsh] does not. c. Ident (acont): The output must be equal to the input in continuance (Li 2006). For example, given the input /ɕ/, the candidate output [tɕ] violates this constraint, while the candidate [s] does not. d. Ident (aanterior): The segments between input and output share the same value in anterior (Li 2006). For example, given the input /f/, the candidate output [x] violates this constraint, while the candidate [p] does not.

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