By Hal Draper, Ernest Haberkern
My experiment, OCR'd.
“This 5th quantity in Hal Draper’s magnificently lucid account of Marx’s politics is simply as enlightening, tough-minded, and encyclopedic because the volumes that preceded it. Draper—whose posthumous drafts for this quantity were ably polished and accomplished by means of his long-time collaborator Ernie Haberkern—was one of many maximum Marx students ever. do you need to understand what Marx fairly acknowledged and considered battle and revolution, after a hundred and fifty years of partisan mudslinging and misreading? Draper knows—and during this quantity he stocks his wisdom with consummate precision, unfailing perception, and no-nonsense strong cheer.” —David N. Smith, college of Kansas
A helpful addition to an already vital choice of paintings. - Simon Basketter
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Extra info for Karl Marx's Theory of Revolution, Volume 5: War and Revolution
Replace the Russian autocrat by Polish aristocrats and you will have 멍ven despotism naturalisation papers. … If the Polish lord no longer has a Russian lord over him， the Polish peasant will still have a lord over him， but a free lord in place of a slaγe lord. This political change will haγe alterεd nothing in his social position. 28 Please note that this passage comes pret다r close to sa꺼ng that it doesn’t matter whether the Polish p easant is exploited by a foreign lord or a domestic one. In terms of the later debates over 버is question it would appear that Marx is anticipating the position of Rosa Luxemburg.
This is a major analycical arcicle in which Engels announces 산lat the Hungarian revolucion is as important for 1 849 as the Paris revolt was for 1 848. ηche by the tetγ'eur rouge. 째 35 Did the feudal magnates turned bourgeois corn dealers and wool merchants suddenly become Jacobins? Engels did not think 50. There was no doubt that the Hungarian rebellion begaη as a defense of the traditional rights o f the Magyar* nobility against 버e centralizing tendency of the * A word on the use of the terms ‘Hungary’ and ‘Magyar’ in 1 8 48 .
Sera He does not argue that the bourgeois constitutional monarchy of Louis Philippe was a step forward as compared to the Bourbon restoration. He simply assumes that his audience， including the Kii};껴'sche Zeitu쟁" takes that for granted. But Engels does not leave it there. He is not content to defend national independence and representative institutions as progressiγe νù vis à absolutism and desirablε ends to be fought for in their own right. In defending these basic democratic rights the Hungarian revolution has had to go farther: The great Schwanbeck， [Eugen Alexis Schwanbeck， the Vienna correspondent of the Kóïnische Zeitu썽 。f course， is even less obliged to know that Hungary is the only èountrv in which since the March reγ。lution feudal burdens on the peasants haγe legally and in fact totally ceasεd to exist.