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As he argues (1971, p. ” As Coté et al. argue (2007, p. 322), Although the organic intellectual is oriented against capitalist hegemony, this figure’s ethical commitments, pedagogic methods, and political vision remain governed by a logic that is itself hegemonic; that is, it is a logic that endeavours “to assimilate and to conquer” a “social group,” and that seeks “dominance” over an entire social formation. Arguably Gramsci’s conceptualization reinscribes an epistemological and political logic of representation that is out of place in this historical moment of popular reinvention embedded as it is in immanence, multiplicity, practices of mass intellectuality, and processes in which communities learn to govern themselves autonomously.

The focus remains on quantitative pedagogy of results, as opposed to qualitative pedagogies of integral learning that develop critical thinking for transformation and agency of Colombia’s majority. , 2010, pp. 118–121). In the area of curriculum reform and teacher development, the plan built on the first national evaluation of teachers’ and school principals’ performance undertaken in 2003. The plan institutionalized a national pedagogic evaluation in which teams of educators visit schools as a means to redefine the curriculum and expected student outcomes, using quantifiable measures.

As Gramsci (1985, p. , the worker] has two theoretical consciousnesses” (Gramsci, 1971, p. 333). For Gramsci, it is the organic intellectual who can play a role in politicizing the tensions between common and good sense. As he argues (1971, p. ” The bridge that enables the intellectual to become such a permanent persuader is a pedagogical one. This involves the intellectual taking on the role of teacher in which he/she practices constant self-reflexivity to unlearn privilege and open toward learning to learn from below.

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