By Manuela Schönenberger
How youngsters gather competence in verb placement in languages within which verb placement in matrix clauses doesn't coincide with that during embedded clauses isn't good understood. Verb-Second languages like German and Dutch exhibit the verb-final trend in embedded clauses, which might be complicated for a constructing baby. This booklet addresses this challenge within the context of Swiss German, itself a Germanic dialect.
quite a few examples are given of usual language produced by means of kids who have been always among the a while of four and six. by surprise, on account that prior literature has steered that kids grasp verb placement very early of their linguistic improvement, those young ones circulate the verb in any kind of embedded clause, resulting in many verb-placement blunders.
After introducing the matter and describing the knowledge intimately, a technical research is constructed when it comes to a minimally split-CP, that's fairly profitable in accounting for those info.
The e-book may still curiosity complicated scholars and researchers in either language acquisition and syntax.
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Extra resources for Embedded V-To-C in Child Grammar: The Acquisition of Verb Placement in Swiss German
B. Was j gloubsch mir nehme nid ~ iimscht? what believe-you we take not seriously Was j gloubsch mir niih nid ~ iimscht? Schiinenberger & Penner 1995a:324 To account for the contrast in (iii) Schiinenberger and Penner proposed that the embedded verb has moved to Co in (iiia), but to 1° in (iiib), as reflected by the difference in verb fonns. Thus the subject is assumed to occupy [SPEC,CP] in (iiia), but [SPEC,IP] in (iiib). Extraction out of the embedded clause in (iiib) is possible, because [SPEC,Cpl can be used as an escape hatch for whmovement.
Dr Hans het nid gwiisst [warn dass er zersch sou the Hans has not known whom that he first should aaliite ]. up-call Penner & Bader 1995: 110 It is important to point out that verb movement in embedded questions is often judged as unacceptable by native speakers when these are presented in 9 For verb movement in wh-complements in Irish English see McCloskey (1992). 16 CHAPTER 1 isolation. This is so because verb movement is discourse-dependent and out of context sentences such as (43a) and (44a) do indeed sound odd.
Zwart (1993) and Den Dikken (1994) contain an analysis ofVR and VPR based on the assumption that Dutch (and Gennan) have an underlying Subject Verb Object (SVO) order. GENERAL PROPERTIES OF SWISS GERMAN 29 Waal fange to the right of the maximal projection headed by wale (72b). The resulting complex is then right-adjoined to the maximal projection headed by hat (72b'). e. (72b), does not correspond to a possible surface word order. (70) SG a. b. dass de Ahab hat en Waal fange wale that the Ahab has a whale catch want dass the Ahab hat wale en Waal fange that the Ahab has want a whale catch (71) SG DS dass de Ahab [[en Waalfange] wale] hat that the Ahab a whale catch want has (72) SG a.